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By Dr Benjamin Reilly

Reilly analyzes the layout of electoral platforms for divided societies, interpreting a variety of divided societies which make the most of "vote-pooling" electoral systems--including Papua New Guinea, Sri Lanka, Northern eire and Fiji. He indicates that political associations which inspire the improvement of broad-based, aggregative political events and the place campaigning politicians have incentives to draw votes from more than a few ethnic teams can, below sure stipulations, motivate a average, accommodatory political festival and hence impact the trajectory of democratization in transitional states. it is a problem to orthodox ways to democracy and clash administration.

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Others argue that both run-off and plurality elections promote similar vote-pooling incentives to preferential voting ones, and thus that the transfer of support from one party to another is an `implicit feature of the French second ballot or the Anglo-American ®rst-past-the-post system' (Laver and Scho®eld 1991, 204). While this may be true in non-divided 30 democracy in divided societies societies, it does not appear to hold in cases of deep ethnic division, as it assumes that electors vote strategically, and that minor-party voters will be prepared to ignore their ®rst choice and instead vote for a candidate with a better chance of winning, or that likely losers will pull out of the race.

Interest in preferential voting gathered pace in 1918 following a by-election for the seat of Swan in Western Australia, which was won in a FPTP contest by a Labor candidate with 35 per cent of the vote despite the three non-Labor candidates collectively mustering 65 per cent. When this result threatened to be repeated at another byelection, with a similar constellation of political forces, in the Victorian electorate of Corangamite later that same year, pressure for electoral reform from the non-Labor side of politics intensi®ed.

If nominations were made simply by plurality vote, a candidate relying on the solid support of the Klan (or some other extremist group) could conceivably snatch victory from the hands of a crowded ®eld of contenders ± including some candidates more widely acceptable to the electorate ± with only a small percentage of the total vote. (1992, 6) This example also illustrates a second advantage of run-off elections: it reduces the possibility of several candidates who may draw support from similar political bases `splitting' their vote between them.

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